The slur “conspiracy theorist” is like an ejector button. It seemingly has the power to jettison from respectability its hapless and often unsuspecting victim, never to be listened to or taken seriously again. In some regards, as will be seen below, this is justified but it is also, and more seriously, the case that “conspiracy theorist” is a convenient label used to dispose of anyone who challenges official wisdom.

Specifically, “conspiracy theorists” are theorists of history, providing a narrative of and explanation for past events. What they all have in common is that their resulting explanations differ from the “accepted” or “official” version that people believe or are supposed to believe, selecting and interpreting their facts and evidence in light of a specific theory that the alleged “conspiracy theorist” holds1. In short, it is nothing more than “revisionist history”, but the nomenclature of this discipline as dealing with “conspiracies” is used as a veneer to denote a cover-up or a secret, something that is not supposed to be known, that there are sinister forces at work secretly manoeuvring to exploit the hapless know-nothings. People are often willing to believe that the Establishment2 does things that harm the very people it is supposed to serve (or at least live in peaceful co-existence with) but this is normally only due to the specific actions or policies that were adopted at the time. Far fewer are willing to consider that the system, adorned with all the comfortable rhetoric of “democracy”, “representation”, “accountability” and so on, is per se harmful and exploitative, the very conclusion that must be drawn from most of that which “conspiracy theorists” claim. Hence it becomes easy to dismiss revisionists as cantankerous crackpots and their verbage as panic-stricken paranoia.

In the first place let us state clearly and emphatically that no one person, whether they be a democratically elected Government, a university department, a particular scholar, biographer, or whoever has the monopoly on the interpretation of history. Simply because somebody challenges accepted wisdom does not mean that he or she should be dismissed out of hand or that old and accepted paradigms should remain rigidly enforced3. Indeed it should be unnecessary to labour the point given that contrarianism has so often been the green shoot of truth, discovery and invention and that daily all entrepreneurs, for example must, be practising contrarians by seeing and understanding things which other people do not do so as of yet. However when the logical result of a specifically historical theory is to undermine the existing structure of society itself there is an understandable reluctance to engage with it. This does not mean, of course, that all theories need to be taken seriously. A theory suggesting that flying pigs murdered Julius Caesar, or that Marie Antoinette could draw thunderclouds with a clap of her hands should, for instance, rightly be ridiculed. For theories of history cannot violate established laws of the natural sciences or of the social sciences such as praxeology (although the attempted violation of economic law is a favourite pastime of Governments and their court intellectuals). If they do then the revolution properly takes place within those sciences and not within history. If pigs were discovered to fly, for instance, an historical theory concerning their cause of the Caesar’s assassination would have to come after this was established scientifically. But where a theory is in harmony with established laws then one should not shy away from the full extent of its logic.

However, having defended the right of anyone to present a revisionist theory of history, it is frequently the cases that these theorists do not set themselves up to be taken particularly seriously. The basic problem is that “conspiracy theories” too often use the same tools as the establishment in their narratives. Accepted or conventional narratives are notorious for using abstractions that fail to examine the actions and motivations of the specific individuals who were responsible for the historical events. With the War between the States, for example, the historical narrative is that “The South” seceded from “The United States” to preserve “slavery” and the resulting war brought “freedom” and “union“; “Britain” declared war on “Nazi Germany” to defend “Poland“; “The United States” was forced into the “Cold War” and to create a “Military-Industrial Complex” to defend “the Western World” from “the Communist threat“; The “US Government” launched the “War on Terror” to defend us from “terrorists” who want to destroy “us“. By grouping people and events into large, homogenous classes that can be easily categorised as “good” (if they are on “our” side) or “evil” (if they are on the “other” side) one eradicates from examination any question of individual behaviour and motives. Yet history is nothing but a string of individual actions presaged by their motives and if any leeway in developing alternative explanations is to be gained then these must be the ripest fruits for examination. Unfortunately “conspiracy theorists” do not tend to do this and instead themselves ascribe all of the worlds evils to large, homogenous classes. So you have feminists explaining history as being primarily concerned with the domination of “men” over “women”; Marxists as the struggle between exploitative and an exploited classes; still others ascribing causative events to “Jews”, “Freemasons”, “capitalists”, or believers in a “New World Order”. A subset of this failure is a concentration on the mechanics or the method ahead of the motive, often to a rather futile extent. For example, however many studies are done on the audio, visual and witness evidence, however many elaborate recreations of the shooting(s) are carried out, no one is ever going to establish once and for all that Lee Harvey Oswald was not a lone gunman in Dealey Plaza on November 22nd 1963. Nor is watching endless loops of the World Trade Center collapsing going to absolutely establish whether the twin towers were detonated internally. This does not mean that the “how” of history is unimportant as it is, of course, important to show the ways in which motivated individuals brought their desires to fruition. But this discipline is simply a disembodied wraith when unconnected to any “why”, especially when it is inconclusive.

There is, however, one proud tradition that does not succumb to this failing, a tradition that systematically scrutinises the motivations and actions of the participating individuals in historical events with a rigorous degree of scholarship. The Austro-Libertarian school of thought, although relegated to the fringes of academic circles, has good reason for being able to do this. The field of praxeology, the study of the logical consequences that unfold from human action, endow these scholars with the appropriate tools to not only explain individual motivations and actions but specifically to explain why people are likely to behave the way they do when they gain membership of a particular homogenous class. Rather than dealing with countries, states, groups, peoples etc. Austro-Libertarian history deals with the particular interests that particular people are able to have and, in many cases, are able to satisfy by virtue of the positions that they occupy within these classes. By accepting that all people, whether they are private citizens, emperors, presidents, generals, company CEOs or whatever, are subject to the same praxeological laws, by knowing the precise benefits and limitations which certain persons in history faced, not to mention a strong passion for justice grounded on the important Libertarian principle that all individuals are subject to the same moral law, Libertarian historians can construct a much richer and more convincing tapestry of history than any of the officially accepted narratives or other revisionist disciplines. Central to all of this is the theory of the State, that as an entity it alone enjoys the use of violence and possesses the ultimate decision making authority over a given territory. As it is a praxeological necessity that all humans maximise their benefits and minimise their costs the charge that individuals will use the framework of the state to enrich themselves at the expense of others becomes not only convincing but practically a scientific requirement. If one should ever doubt this then Rothbard’s Wall Street, Banks and American Foreign Policy reads almost like a directory of the interests and motivations of the key political players and financiers of US foreign policy from the beginning of the progressive era to the Reagan Administration. Or how about Hans Hermann Hoppe’s examination of the democratic ruler vs the monarchical4? How democracy, relegating leaders to mere caretakers rather than owners of the realm must, by praxeological necessity, lead to a widespread ravaging of resources, increased suppression of the populace and the debt-fuelled growth of the welfare-warfare state. And how, by coating the State with a veneer of legitimacy, it can expand to heights that monarchs of ages past could only have dreamt of – the dubious achievement of a worldwide paper money entirely issued and controlled by Government institutions is something kings never brought about yet democracy, a rarity before 1900, was able to make it a reality by 1971. Still others such as Tom Woods, Thomas DiLorenzo, and Ralph Raico have tackled big taboos in American and world history, DiLorenzo’s work on Abraham Lincoln in particular bringing a much needed sledgehammer to a mountain of largely mythical, established wisdom.

So if you want real history, real explanations of past events, the movers, the makers, the shakers, the wheelers, the dealers, supported by the rigorous science of praxeology and a deep-felt understanding of justice, then look no further than the great historians of the Austro-Libertarian tradition.

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1For a detailed explanation on how history is necessarily an interpretation of events in light of theories, see the excellent treatise by Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History.

2We shall use this as a catch-all word to describe the subjects of “conspiracy theories”, ranging from Governments, multi-national corporations and the corporate state, the military, intelligence agencies, secret societies, etc.

3Apparently this problem also exists in the natural sciences even capturing seemingly reluctant revolutionaries – for example the co-discover of oxygen, Joseph Priestly, categorised his own discovery as “dephlogisticated air” owing his allegiance to the prevailing phlogiston theory. Thomas S Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, pp 53-6, quoted in Murray N Rothbard, Ludwig von Mises and the Paradigm of our Age, Ch. 14 in Rothbard, Egalitarianism as a Revolt Against Nature and other essays.

4Hans Hermann Hoppe, Democracy – The God that Failed.

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